The Coalition for Work with Psychotrauma and Peace 

Profile of the Region in Which We Work

For a Word version of this section, click here

Introduction

Definition of the Region and Rough Demography

History of the Region

History Before 1990

History Starting in 1990

The Jewish History of Vukovar

Culture

Industry and Economics

Perspectives

Maps of the Region

Introduction Go to top

This Profile is intended as a neutral introduction to the area.  We have tried to use neutral language.  Inevitably, however, bias will creep in. 

Furthermore, the definition of “truth” in an area such as this one is a relative concept.  In our experience, the eyewitness accounts of seemingly reliable people describing the same events and period can differ very considerably.  Also, in our experience, official accounts, even those of international organizations, are highly politically biased.  

Another problem is that of figures. We know of no reliable sources of statistical data for the region.  All sources of which we are aware are either biased in some way or have serious methodological flaws.  Thus, any numbers given below are rough guesses, based on the figures that do exist and our own estimates.

Definition of the Region and Rough Demography Definition of the Region and Rough Demography (see also the Map Section of this website) Go to top

We define the area in which the CWWPP works as

·         the two easternmost counties of Croatia, that is, Vukovar-Sirmium County and Osijek-Baranja County. 

The border with Serbia from these counties is the Danube River and, further south, a land border. Osijek-Baranja County has a border with Hungary.  Vukovar-Sirmium County borders on Bosnia-Herzegovina at the Sava River.

The total population of this area is presently about 535 000. Osijek, with a population of about 115 000, is the largest city. Vukovar, with a current estimated population of about 30 000 (roughly 100 000 before the war), is the city in which the 1991-1995 war began.  There is little visible damage in Osijek, which was heavily shelled during the War.  During the last few years there has been considerable reconstruction in Vukovar, which was almost totally destroyed during the War (see also the section on History below). Although efforts have been made to repair the physical damage to property and infrastructure, the impact of the war continues to impinge on all aspects of the Vukovar-Srijem County's social and economic life.   

While no exact figures are available, it is estimated that the area as a whole contains about 81% Croats, 12% Serbs and 7% of other minorities.  Vukovar and surroundings are estimated to be about 57% Croat, 33% Serb and 10% other minorities. Before 1991, it is estimated that there were more than 25 ethnic groups and at least 10 religious groups in the region.  Furthermore, it is estimated that at least 80% of the population has at least one first or second degree relative of another ethnicity.  There are thus many mixed families and mixed marriages in the region.

·         the adjoining area of Serbia, roughly to the middle of Vojvodina, thus towns such as Sid, Backa Palanka, Apatin and Sombor.  We do not include the city of Novi Sad within our preview. 

The population of this area of Vojvodina is estimated to be around 200 000.  It has a high number of Serbs from Croatia and Bosnia. Aside from the refugee population, which is heavily traumatized, Vojvodina has traditionally been a region with a high number of minority groups, at least as great and probably greater than that in the area of eastern Croatia that we serve.

·         the area of Bosnia-Herzegovina adjoining Croatia south of the Sava River known as the Posavina roughly as far west as Derventa.  We also include Brcko and towns in its vicinity.  Other towns in this region are Modrica, Bosanski Samac and Orasje.

This region has a population estimated to be around 300 000, with a slightly higher population of Serbs than of Croats or Bosniaks (Moslems).  This was an area where some of the worst acts against human beings were committed during the war.

In the past we have worked in all of these areas.  Currently, because of our present limited funding, we are working only in Croatia.

History of the Region Go to top

This account will confine itself mostly to eastern Croatia.

History Before 1990 Go to top

The area of Vukovar has been settled continuously since Neolithic times. One hundred and forty-eight archeological sites bear witness to the past population density. These cultures were based on a settled way of life and the construction of permanent dwellings. Polished stone weapons were used and the manufacture of pottery was perfected.

The Copper Age began with the Baden, Kostolac and Vucedol cultures. The best known archeological site is Vucedol, 6 km downstream of Vukovar on the Danube. The inhabitants of Vucedol produced copper objects as early as 2000 B.C. The Vucedol Culture is particularly known for beautiful pottery of varied forms and decorations and for the production of the first calendar in Europe.

The Illyrians, the Celts and the Romans followed them. The Danube was the Roman border, and the Romans introduced viticulture to the area.

A new period started with the settlement of the Avars and the Slavs in the 6^th century. Of particular note is the Bijelo Brdo culture of the 10^th -13^th centuries. The first written record of the settlement's Croatian name - Vukovo - dates from the early 13th century, when the place was the seat of the district bearing the same name. As early as 1231 Vukovo received the charter and privileges of a free royal city.  The present Hungarian version of the name was adopted in the 14^th century.

In the 15th century, the powerful princes of llok ruled the area: one of them, Nikola, was proclaimed king of Bosnia and minted his own money.

In 1526, during the reign of Sultan Suleiman, the Turks conquered the region and ruled until 1687. The area was laid waste and depopulated. In this period llok was the seat of the sanjak, but Vukovar was also a developed handicraft and trading town. The Turks were followed by the German house of EItz in Vukovar, and the Italian Odescalchi dukes in llok.

In 1745 empress Maria Theresa founded the district of Sirmium of which Vukovar became the seat.

In the 18th and 19th centuries Vukovar developed into a major handicraft, trading and transport center. It had a number of powerful guilds, and an increasingly important middle class. At the time Vukovar was also a major cultural centre, with several schools and culture societies. Industry developed rather slowly. Most of the land was controlled by the large estate owners, and there were many landless peasants and day laborers. In the late 19th century the peasants arose in the Marinci uprising.

Socialist ideas began to spread rather early, and the development of the labor movement progressed in particular in 1919 and 1920. In 1920 Vukovar was the venue of the Second Congress of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The establishment of the footwear works in Borovo in 1931 increased the number of workers and enhanced their opposition to the regime of the time.

Following the occupation of Yugoslavia by fascist forces, armed resistance in the area of Vukovar started as early as the summer of 1941. This period is commemorated by the Dudik Memorial Park in Vukovar, the site of mass executions. Vukovar was liberated on 12 April, 1945, after the breakthrough of the Sirmium Front.

Before 1991, Vukovar was a major cultural centre with numerous institutions.  Laroslav Ruzicka, the Nobel Prize winner in Chemistry, was born and raised in the city.

History Starting in 1990. Go to top

Croatia declared independence on 30 May, 1991.  However, it was not recognized internationally as a state until January of 1992.

During 1990 and 1991, Croatian elements split from the Yugoslav National Army (JNA). 

Para-military and volunteer organizations began to form.

In January of 1991, elections were held in Vukovar. Croats claim that these were free and fair.  Serbs dispute this.  The result was that a Croatian nationalist government came into power.  Serbs claim that this resulted in the dismissal of Serbs from work in all sectors and in harassment of Serbs in the region in their homes. They also claim that they were arrested and that some did not return.

Certainly, during late 1990 and early 1991, there was a polarization of the population. Serbs moved into parts of western Sirmium, eastern Slavonia and Baranja. Croats moved into Osijek and points west. It is said that there was harassment by both sides in getting people to leave their homes and jobs.

In May, 1991 the first battle of the War occurred in Borovo Selo, some 10 km northwest of Vukovar.  Croats claim that there was a valid police exercise; Serbs claim that there was extreme provocation. In any event, some 51 Croat police were killed in this incident.

During the ensuing months, tension increased. All sides agree that the JNA shelled Vukovar heavily and that there was strong Croat resistance.  Throughout the region, persons and forces of one ethnicity destroyed homes, religious objects and property of the other, and severely harassed persons of the “opposite” ethnicity.

In September of 1991, Osijek definitively came into Croatian hands.

In the November of 1991, an incident occurred at Vukovar Hospital.  It is clear from the reports of both sides that approximately 200 people were taken from the Hospital and killed at the pig farm at Ovcara, some 10 km east of the city.  The Croats claim that these were patients and hospital staff.  The Serbs claim that these were soldiers masquerading as patients and staff.

On 18 November, 1991, Vukovar definitively came into Serb hands.

In the course of 1992, the UN came into the region. The combination of eastern Slavonia, western Sirmium and Baranja became known as United Nations Protected Area (UNPA) East or Sector East.  The region was under the governance of the Republika Srpska Krajina (RSK) government. The RSK was never recognized by any foreign government or international authority. In this period, there was little fighting, although there were periodic incidents.

In November, 1995, as part of the Dayton process, the Erdut Agreement was signed. This determined that the region would come under the control of the Republic of Croatia. 

During the transitional period, which lasted from January, 1996 until January, 1998, the area was governed by the United Nations Transitional Administration for Eastern Slavonia, Western Sirmium and Baranja (UNTAES).

Opinions differ as to the effectiveness of the UNTAES process. The UN itself has called it “the most effective mission in UN history”.  This is strongly disputed by many NGOs and individual observers.  Certainly, large weapons such as tanks were removed from the region.  A number of agreements were signed regarding a wide variety of topics, including commerce, education, human rights, the validity of documents issued under the RSK government and almost all other matters having to do with life in the region. There is a wide variety of opinions in the region and outside it as to how and to what degree those agreements are being honored.  Most NGOs working in the region would argue that little substantive work was done then or since on issues of disarming the populace and on reconciliation.

Municipal elections were held under the auspices of UNTAES in April, 1997.  These elections were declared free and fair by UNTAES and by the American ambassador.  However, the OSCE, in a report kept confidential at the time, reported many abuses. The same problems were reported by the majority of NGOs working in the region at that moment.

In January, 1998, UNTAES left and the OSCE remained as a monitoring mission.  Again, opinions differ widely as to the effectiveness of the work and the vision of the OSCE.  Under the leadership of Ambassador Jan Sizoo, then Head of its Vukovar Coordination Center, the OSCE brought out a report on Community Trauma in Eastern Croatia in August, 2002.

A significant change in the governance of Croatia took place at the end of 1999 and the start of 2000. In December, 1999, President Franjo Tudjman, who had ruled Croatia since the declaration of independence in 1990 together with the Croatian Democratic Association, a nationalist party, died.  During the elections of December, 1999, a six party centrist coalition took power.  In general, the Coalition governmental officials were less nationalistic than their predecessors.  There are disputes as to the degree to which this filtered down to local level.  Parliamentary elections that took place in November, 2003 returned the Croatian Democratic Association to power. The results of this change must be awaited.   

In January, 2000, Stjepan Mesic was elected president for a five year term.  Mesic has been seen by the international community as a statesman, working for the entry of Croatia into the mainstream of European political life.  Within the country, however, there are very mixed views about his performance.

The Jewish History of Vukovar  Go to top

Jewish influence was strong in Vukovar from early in the 19^th century. The Jewish Community was established in 1837 and the first Synagogue in the city was consecrated in 1845.  A second, much larger Synagogue was consecrated in 1894.  The Community and its influence continued to grow until the Second World War.  The city was the seat of the Rabbinate for all of Sirmium, an area that stretched to Zemun, near Belgrade, some 150 km from Vukovar. There was a Jewish school, and Jewish life, culture and commerce flourished in the city.  Among others, Hugo Klaijn, who studied with Sigmund Freud and was highly active all aspects of theatrical life in the former Yugoslavia, was born in Vukovar. Before the Second World War there were roughly 1800 Jews living in Vukovar.

As elsewhere in the region, the Second World War decimated Jewish life. Jews were rounded up and sent to Auschwitz in August, 1942.  The Synagogue was burned in the same year.  Some Jews managed to escape by converting religion.  Also, there were a number of mixed marriages, and some escaped by claiming the heritage and religion of the other parent.

After the Second World War, few Jews returned to Vukovar.  Under the Communist regime, all open expression of religion was discouraged.  The Synagogue was sold for its bricks in 1958. The few remaining Jews left before the 1991-1995 War.

Presently, there is one Jew, a foreigner, living in Vukovar.  There are also a number of persons of mixed Jewish ancestry, some of whom do not admit to their heritage. 

The Jewish Community of Osijek is the legal successor of the previous Jewish Community. In Osijek-Baranja and Vukovar-Sirmium Counties there are about 120 Jews. The Osijek Jewish Community is relatively strong in promoting Jewish Culture.

Culture Go to top

As can be seen from the historical sketch above, this area is one in which cultures met.  There are therefore elements of a large number of ethnic groups present.

In educational and cultural terms, Vukovar and Osijek were centers before the War. Osijek has recovered to some degree, but Vukovar remains devastated.  

Industry and Economics Go to top

Before the recent war, the area was known as the breadbasket of the country.  Virtually all agricultural products were produced – from bread to dairy to wine.  There was also a heavy industrial presence, including the Borovo footwear and tire factory in Vukovar.  There were numerous other large factories in the region.

While agriculture continues to some degree, it is hindered by the problem of landmines and by outdated methods and strategies.

Virtually all industry in all parts of the region was decimated by the War, and it has not been rebuilt for the most part. Furthermore, in the intervening years since 1991, technology has moved onward and thus almost all of the previous factories would have to be redesigned.

Another problem is the transition from Communism to capitalism.  Philosophies and methods of work and management have to be learned.  These include such points as self-initiative, critical thinking and a positive work ethic.

The trauma of the war has added to these problems, leading to additional psychological and physical illness, to further lack of initiative and even to violence.  For more information on trauma itself, see the Profile of Trauma. For more information on the connection between trauma and economics, please see our briefing paper on that subject.

Further, the bureaucracies of government and a perceived threat of further violence have led to very little domestic or foreign investment in any part of the region.

The result of all of these factors is high unemployment rates throughout the region.

Perspectives Go to top

At this moment, we see perspectives for further development as bleak unless extraordinary measures toward the healing of trauma, reconciliation, democratization and economic redevelopment are taken.  These are outlined elsewhere on this website.